Peace Movements in Cyprus

By Pembe Mentesh

Today, Nicosia in Cyprus remains the world’s last divided capital city. In the last year, its barricades and
checkpoints have provided the backdrop for the island’s largest mobilisation of civilians on each side of the
divide, since partition occurred in 1974. The peace movements in Cyprus are striving for a united,
democratic Cyprus in the lead up to accession to the European Union. Their role is to challenge the existing
power politics paradigm, revive collective identity, and demonstrate the need for peaceful co-existence if
Cyprus as a whole, is to become a legitimate member of the international community.

A brief historical account of the Cyprus problem will provide a greater understanding of the recent
mobilization by peace movements. The United Nations Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) has been operating
since 1964. It is the UN’s longest peacekeeping operation and continues to play a part in maintaining the
status quo. It has not resulted in a non-violent settlement since it began and in 1974 it proved incapable of
dealing with the escalating violence when Turkey intervened to protect the Turkish Cypriot minority,
dividing the island into North and South. This resulted in the exodus of about 100,000 Turkish Cypriots to
the north and 200,000 Greek Cypriots to the south. While the Republic of Cyprus remained intact south of
the dividing line, in the north the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus established itself in 1983, recognised
only by Turkey. Now, with the Republic of Cyprus about to join the European Union when it takes its next
group of member states in 2004, Cyprus may have a chance for re-unification and co-existence.

Stability in Cyprus has been maintained mostly with military presence, which in turn dictates the political
agenda. According to Jeong, this system of stability is no different from the Cold War order. “Under these
conditions, military power remains as a tools to maintain a hierarchical world order” (Jeong, 2000:15). We
will see later, how and why the peace movements in Cyprus challenge this current political framework. In
this way, they are linked to the global peace movement that opposes war and militarisation.

In 2002, when UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan presented a peace plan to Cyprus, the dormant peace
movements in Cyprus finally found the opportunity to mobilise and take action in support of a solution to
the Cyprus problem. A number of groups (some of them bi-communal) have joined together and are using
minimal resources to get their message across to not only the leaders of both sides, but the international
community. Peace movement groups and organizations such as “Hands Across the Divide”, “Technology
for Peace” and “The 41 Organisations” are all working together, and independently to voice the concerns of
ordinary citizens.

Technology for Peace is a web portal for the latest information about the peace efforts in Cyprus and
relevant links to activist websites. Under the umbrella of Technology for Peace, a number of groups have
been auspiced, and existing ones have joined. A highlight within Technology for Peace is the “Citizens
Movement for Re-unification and Co-existence”. For the first time since the Greek and Turkish Cypriots
were divided, this movement aims to raise awareness amongst the Greek Cypriot population, of the struggle
faced by their compatriots in the North. It recognizes that Turkish Cypriots have not been adequately
supported by Greek Cypriots and that “there exists a great need for a dynamic, effective and visible citizens
movement for re-unification and co-existence within the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot community in
Cyprus and abroad” (www.tech4peace.org). The “Citizens Movement for Re-unification and Co-existence”
mobilised with other groups to hold demonstrations on key dates when the two leaders were meeting as part
of the UN peace talks. The demonstrations were in support of re-unification and peaceful co-existence under
the slogan “Ahead for a Common Country.” This marks a turning point in Greek Cypriot and Turkish
Cypriot relations, with one side acknowledging the isolation, poverty and marginalisation of the other.

Other initiatives of Technology for Peace include:
• An online petition.
• The establishment of a platform for NGO’s (some of them bi-communal) to support a solution. They
sent a message of support to the Turkish Cypriots in a lead up to their December 2002
demonstrations.
• Establishing links with similar groups in Germany and Europe.
• Providing the capacity for the internet to be used as the main form of communication between
groups on both sides – not only for collective action but general activities (theatre, concerts) that
promote re-unification.

In the north, the Platform of 41 Organisations is made up of (left wing) political party members, trade
unions, professional and other organizations. They share similar ideals, and also work together in mobilising
for collective action. On January 14, North Cyprus saw the mobilisation of almost 70,000 Turkish Cypriots
(about a third of the population) demonstrating in support of the UN peace plan. This is the largest
mobilisation of Turkish Cypriot citizens since the island was divided.

In the north, Hands Across the Divide, a women’s peace movement, is “framed within an alliance of
women’s organizations called the Women’s Civic Initiative for Peace, who in turn act in concert with a
much larger alliance of progressive groups called ‘The 41 Organisations’” (www.peacewomen.org). And
with Greek Cypriot members in the south, Hands Across the Divide engage in parallel collective action on
either side of the physical divide where joint or bi-communal action is deemed impossible. For example,
demonstrations were held on each side of the island during key dates for the UN peace talks. Women on
both sides with candles, released white doves and white balloons as a form of symbolic action. They carried
placards with the same message in Greek, English and Turkish.

Other initiatives carried out by Hands Across the Divide include:
• A letter writing campaign by member to UN Secretary general Kofi Annan, and the leaders of North
and South Cyprus.
• The sentence for peace campaign whereby sentences for peace, written by Greek Cypriot’s were
collected and given to a Turkish Cypriot poet who will build a statue of peace with the sentences.
• Sending “Henna” to the “Deep State”. When an agreement was not reached in December 2002,
members mailed “henna” (an orange dye) to key figures in North Cyprus and Turkey for maintaining
the status quo. This can be interpreted as symbolic action since henna, apart from being used as hair
dye, can be used to create a dark stain on skin.

As new social movements, the peace movements in Cyprus are defined by their desire for cultural change.
They cut across the fabric of Cypriot society and have as their members, people who share a common aim
regardless of class, gender or ethnicity. “They champion the interests of those who experience social,
political and cultural oppression, whatever their economic circumstances” (Burgmann, 1993:5).

The concept of peace in Cyprus is shaped by the peace movements’ aim for recognition of the cultural ideals
of its members. Without this, the prospects of a solution are diminished. “A social movement is at once a
social conflict and a cultural project. This is as true of dominant movements as it is of dominated
movements. The goal of a social movement is always the realisation of cultural values as well as victory
over a social adversary” (Touraine, 1995:240). So in this sense, when groups such as the “Citizens
Movement for Re-unification and Co-existence” call upon the leaders to agree on a political solution, they
are also contributing to the “development and propagation of the culture and principles of understanding and
co-existence between people irrespective of their ethnic origin, religion, gender…”(www.tech4peace.org).
This aligns with Touraine’s idea that new social movements defend the identity and dignity of those who
experience oppression (Touraine, 1995:247).

Hands Across the Divide call upon the leaders of Cyprus to “safeguard our right of choice to live in an
island free from the threat of armed conflict” (www.peacewomen.org). To this end, the UN plan also calls
for the removal of a substantial amount of military from the island. In this way, the peace movements in Cyprus are challenging the status quo and their opposition to the military order characterized above by Jeong.

Within the framework of peace, Hands Across the Divide are also struggling for gender equality as part of
their demands: “We believe that the Cyprus peace negotiations and political dialogue should also be
informed with women’s perspectives, voices, need and concerns.” “We believe the establishment of a
committee of Cypriot women peace activists should urgently be formed to make recommendations and
provide ideas for the post-conflict period” (Uludag, 2003). Women must have an important role in
determining how the future of Cyprus is shaped. “Gender processes may be regarded as important in
understanding how nationhood and belongingness are retained and reconstituted, particularly through the
role of women as ethnic actors” (Anthias & Lazaridis, 2000:32). Hands Across the Divide are a positive
example of how a social movements within a social movements can hope to achieve the aims of both. Hands
Across the Divide are in a unique situation because they can provide a voice for women in the context of
peace. In terms of new social movement theory, both of these ideals go hand in hand. They preempt the
cultural changes necessary for political and social change.

So how effective have the peace movements in Cyprus been so far? The deadline for reaching an agreement
on the UN peace plan has been and gone. In May 2004, The Republic of Cyprus will join the European
Union but without re-unification, the Turkish Cypriots in the north will experience further isolation and
marginalisation. In the south, Greek Cypriots will not be able to experience the full economic benefits that
would come with an expanded (Turkish Cypriot) workforce. Today, Cyprus is still a divided nation but on
23 April 2003, the border restrictions that separated the people for almost 30 years, were relaxed to allow
movement between north and south. It would be difficult to assess whether or not this is the result of the
demands put forward by the peace movements, and even if it was, does it serve the purpose of kerbing the
movements since partition still exists? Regardless, some would argue that the current changes at the border
would not have occurred without the people’s desire and demand for co-existence and re-unification.
Despite, the paperwork required, the queues, and the checkpoints, more than 800,000 Greek and Turkish
Cypriots have crossed. And a feeling of nostalgia is sweeping the nation.

The notion held (and demonstrated through their policies) by the political elites, that the two communities
cannot co-exist has been disproved: “Despite media campaigns painting hostile images of the other side,
despite repression and persecution against those defending peace, despite state policies against any solution,
the two communities very clearly have shown their wish to live together in a common country in this short
period of time” (Uludag, 2003).

Both sides are aware of the economic benefits of a closer relationship. Re-unification before Cyprus’
accession to the European Union would mean that Turkish Cypriots would be able to participate in the world
economy (which they have been cut off from for 29 years), along with their Greek Cypriot compatriots.
“The sense that they might be cut off from the dynamic economic and cultural space of the union has been
and remains the biggest force for change on the Turkish side of the Green Line” (Woollacot, 2003).

But critics of the UN peace plan, such as Andros Payiatsos argue that the plan is flawed and in reality
reflects the “desire of the ruling classes of Cyprus and Turkey to join the European Union” (Payiatsos,
2003). Despite the perceived benefits of European Union membership, Cyprus, as one of the smaller
member states, will contribute to the expansion and power of the European Union with little to show in
return. The Nice Treaty of 2001, signed by member states, adjusts numbers and shifts power upwards
towards the larger countries (Dunne, 2002).

European Union membership and economic benefits aside, the struggle in Cyprus is just as much, if not
more about recognition. The Turkish Cypriots have been marginalized and isolated from the international
community for 29 years. Likewise, Greek Cypriots have been cut off from their land and have been
restricted to their own side of the Green Line. It is about the desire of both sides to co-exist and roam free in
their own country. The situation in Cyprus can be interpreted as cultural injustice as set out by Fraser and is linked to economic injustice, which can be remedied through political-economic changes. Cultural injustice
however, requires “cultural or symbolic change” (Fraser, 1997:15). In this case, the cultural injustice
experienced by Turkish Cypriots has resulted in economic injustices, evidenced by the poverty and
unemployment that has come with isolation and the lack of recognition. Using this position, you could argue
that economic redistribution will automatically follow recognition. In this sense, “peace is most fulfilled in a
place where opportunities for both psychological and material self-realisation are provided…co-operation
can be better maintained in a society that is supportive of economic equity and well-being” (Jeong, 2000:14).

The peace movements in Cyprus, through collective action and various other means are challenging the
political elites on each side of the divide to reach a solution to the 29 year old “Cyprus Problem”. Despite
the continued failure of the UN peace plan for Cyprus, the movements need to maintain the momentum of
the last year and continue to exert their demands consistently and collectively. With border crossings now
permissible, they have the opportunity to increase bi-communal action. Despite the criticisms of the UN
peace plan and European Union membership, the peace movements in Cyprus can at least utilise this as a
framework or starting point to a solution. If economic benefits have roused the dormant peace movements in
Cyprus, the desire for cultural and social change, will ensure their survival and success. This desire is deeply
embedded in any Cypriot who longs for the chance to be free and to be recognised in his or her own country.

“My village has been calling me since the day I left her. On that day, she said ‘You won’t forget me will
you? I’m the place of your childhood memories. I helped shape you as a person. You will return to me one
day. I will wait for you’. This calling from my village, ever present, has now reached a point where I have
no choice but to go back. I am completely under her spell”.
Ibrahim Ozejder, 43, Academic and Journalist, who visited his village on 26 April 2003.

References
Anthias, F. and Lazaridis, G. (2000) Gender and Migration in Southern Europe. Women on the Move. Berg,
Oxford.
Burgmann, V. (1993) Power and Protest. Movements for change in Australian society. Allen and Unwin,
Sydney.
Dunne, S (2002) Nice dissent from Ireland. ZMagazine Online, November 2002, V15:11 www.zmag.org
Fraser, N. (1997) Justice Interruptus, Critical reflections on the ‘post-socialist’ condition. Routledge, New
York.
Jeong, H. (2000) Peace and Conflict Studies. An Introduction. Ashgate, Aldershot.
Touraine, A. (1995) Critique of Modernity. Blackwell, Oxford.
Payiatsos, A. (2003) interviewed by Peter Taaffe Can the UN peace plan bridge Cyprus’ national divide? in
Socialism Today Issue 73, March 2003. www.socialismtoday.org
Uludag, S. (2003) Annual General Report of Hands Across the Divide.
Woollacott, M (2003) Free movement may still heal the division of Cyprus. The Guardian, London, 9 May.
www.lobbyforcyprus.org
www.peacewomen.org
www.tech4peace.org